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    Alley-side Pickup: 10am - 7pm

    3038 Hennepin Ave Minneapolis, MN
    612-822-4611

Open Daily: 10am - 10pm | Alley-side Pickup: 10am - 7pm
3038 Hennepin Ave Minneapolis, MN
612-822-4611
The Free and Open Indo-Pacific Beyond 2020: Similarities and Differences Between the Trump Administration and a Democrat White House

The Free and Open Indo-Pacific Beyond 2020: Similarities and Differences Between the Trump Administration and a Democrat White House

Lee, John

Paperback

EconomicsInternational Relations

Currently unavailable to order

ISBN10: 9814881694
ISBN13: 9789814881692
Publisher: Iseas Yusof Ishak Inst
Published: Sep 30 2020
Pages: 36
Language: English

American Indo-Pacific policy will be driven by its China policy, regardless of whether there is a second-term Donald Trump administration or a first-term Joe Biden administration.

The Republicans will continue to frame the major challenge as balancing against Chinese power and countering the worst aspects of Beijing's policies. Establishment or moderate Democrats under Biden will choose the softer language of seeking a favourable competitive coexistence in the military, economic, political and global governance realms, and the reassertion of American leadership and moral standing.

In advancing the FOIP, the current administration argues that disruptiveness and unpredictability are necessary to reverse what they see as the normalization of Chinese assertiveness, coercion and revisionism. They also point to the closeness of US cooperation with Japan, Australia and India and bourgeoning strategic relationships with Vietnam. A second-term Trump administration will continue to seek out fit-for-purpose existing institutions and relationships, or prioritize new ones.

Establishment Democrats believe that the America First unilateralist approach is unsettling for allies and partners. In advancing a favourable competitive coexistence with China, Democrats will seek to expand the tools of statecraft and achieve a better balance between military/economic/political/governance approaches.

Prima facie, a Biden administration might position America as a more consultative guarantor of a preferred order. However, there will be greater pressure on Southeast Asians to accept more collective responsibility to advance common objectives. This means hedging in a manner more suitable to American rather than Chinese preferences. Failing that, more emphasis might be placed on greater institutionalization of the Quad and ad hoc groupings.

A Bernie Sanders administration, now an unlikely prospect, would be a disaster for US standing and power in the region, and therefore for Southeast Asia.

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