Wilson Wyatt was Jack Kennedy's presidential emissary to Sukarno in a crisis that might have cost the West the oil of the East Indies and lost Indonesia to the Communist orbit. He headed a mission to North Africa during World War II, managed Adlai Stevenson's presidential campaign, and played varied roles on stage and behind the scenes at seven Democratic conventions. He helped guide Kentucky's quiet governmental revolution in the Combs-Wyatt administration, served as wartime mayor of Louisville
Since its first appearance fifteen years ago, Why Parties? has become essential reading for anyone wishing to understand the nature of American political parties. In the interim, the party system has undergone some radical changes. In this landmark book, now rewritten for the new millennium, John H. Aldrich goes beyond the clamor of arguments over whether American political parties are in resurgence or decline and undertakes a wholesale reexamination of the foundations of the American party system.
Surveying critical episodes in the development of American political parties--from their formation in the 1790s to the Civil War--Aldrich shows how they serve to combat three fundamental problems of democracy: how to regulate the number of people seeking public office, how to mobilize voters, and how to achieve and maintain the majorities needed to accomplish goals once in office. Aldrich brings this innovative account up to the present by looking at the profound changes in the character of political parties since World War II, especially in light of ongoing contemporary transformations, including the rise of the Republican Party in the South, and what those changes accomplish, such as the Obama Health Care plan. Finally, Why Parties? A Second Look offers a fuller consideration of party systems in general, especially the two-party system in the United States, and explains why this system is necessary for effective democracy.
William Jennings Bryan is probably best remembered today for two rhetorical transactions: his The Cross of Gold acceptance speech, delivered at the 1896 Democratic national convention in Chicago, and his exchanges with Clarence Darrow in the 1925 Scopes Trial in Tennessee. But, as Donald Springen illustrates in this volume, Bryan's speaking brilliance went far beyond these two noted orations, flavoring his own two presidential campaigns, his tenure as Secretary of State, and the second campaign of Woodrow Wilson. This work examines the oratory skills of William Jennings Bryan, tracing and critically analyzing his development as a speaker, and providing the texts of important addresses that spanned much of his career.
The first section offers a narrative and critical history of Bryan's oratory. Separate chapters chart his background and development up to the 1896 Cross of Gold address, and the speechmaking that revolved around his presidential campaigns in 1900 and 1908. His years as Wilson's Secretary of State are carefully analyzed; in particular the strong stand he took against entering World War I. A chapter on reforms, reactionaries, and the Ku Klux Klan displays Bryan's dualistic way of thinking, while his speaking on the Chautauqua circuit shows him to be a true articulator of small-town American thinking. A final chapter on the Scopes Trial analyzes his rhetorical battle with Darrow, and Bryan's mistake in allowing himself to be cross-examined. Section two offers the texts of a number of Bryan's significant speeches, including The Cross of Gold, Lincoln as an Orator, and Democracy's Deeds and Duty. A chronology of speeches and a selected bibliography conclude the work. This study will be a useful tool for students of history, political science, and political communications, as well as anyone interested in effective and persuasive speaking. College, university, and public libraries will also consider it a valuable addition to their collections.
This book includes the relatively unknown stories of six important women who laid the foundation for improving women's equality in the U.S. While they largely worked behind the scenes, they made a significant impact. In the group are two female political operatives who worked behind the scenes along with four female journalists who also occasionally worked within government to advance women's rights during the 1950s through the 1970s. Much of it centers on Washington, D.C., as well as the more unlikely cities of Madison, Wisconsin and Miami, Florida. It includes the story of a women's page journalist who published an official government report in her newspaper section when the White House refused to release it. This book documents the stories of women who organized to help gain employment for other women and also worked to raise the stature of homemakers. Numerous other issues for women were also addressed. The fight for equality became more visible in the 1960s although the foundation had been laid as early as the 1950s, fueled by the post-World War II era. Change was initiated by a mix of women in government and women in the news media - at times going back and forth in those positions. These particular women were chosen because of their interactions with each other as they rallied around a common cause and because their names were overshadowed by other women's liberation leaders. It is not meant to be an exhaustive story of the fight for women's rights but rather an addition to the great memoirs and scholarship that already exist.
The assassination of Kennedy & Luther King, the Tet offensive in Vietnam, campus riots & the election of Nixon. The year is 1968 & for millions of Americans the dream of a nation facing up to basic problems at home & abroad were shattered.
A prominent journalist looks at the most pivotal year in modern American history -- and its irrevocable consequences for today's society.The tumultuous events of 1968 burden America to this day. The assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr., the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, campus riots, and the election of Richard Nixon led to disappointment, division, and self-doubt that bred distrust of the nation's leaders and institutions. For millions of Americans, the dream that we would at last face up with compassion to our most basic problems at home and abroad was shattered in 1968, and the groundwork was laid for the cynical social and political climate that exists today.
These fifteen years are as rich as any in American history, rich in incident - the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the civil rights struggle, the antiwar crusade, the opening of China, Watergate, Kennedy's assassination, Johnson's retirement, the fall of Nixon: rich in personality - Robert Kennedy, Stokely Carmichael, Martin Luther King, Jr, Earl Warren, Bob Dylan, Henry Kissinger, George Wallace, Hubert Humphrey: and rich, finally in what it tells us of power, its attainment, and its use at home and abroad.