For radicals in Europe and North America, the anti-imperialist--and Chinese--revolutions continued the great task of 1789, 1848, and 1870, the "bourgeois revolution" in Marx's terms, and the creation of nations that would release the energies and unity of purpose to create new worlds of prosperity and freedom. The nationalist focus led to an emphasis on autarkic development--the nation, it was said, already possessed within its own boundaries all the requirements and resources to match the accomplishments of global civilization.The overthrow of empire in the 1950s and 1960s--of which the coming to power of the Chinese Communist party in 1949 was a important part--seemed to augur a new era in world history, one in which the majority of the world's population secured liberation. There was perhaps a sense in which this was true, but the reality for the majority was far removed from this giddy hope. And in the case of the ordinary Chinese, the newly "liberated" regime proved far more brutal and exacting than those that it had replaced (which also attained high standards of brutality and injustice). In China the great famine of 1958-62 was only the most spectacularly cruel and gratuitous product of that new order. For the former inhabitants of the old empires, national liberation turned out to be not liberation of all, but the creation of a new national ruling class, as often as not exploiting its position at home to make fortunes then smuggled abroad.
Clara Zetkin, an organizer of the First International Women's Day, presented this Report and Resolution on fascism at the June 1923 enlarged plenum of the Communist International's executive committee. At a time when fascism was a new and little-understood phenomenon, Zetkin's work proposed a sweeping plan for the unity of all victims of capitalism in an ideological and political campaign against the fascist danger.
Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) was a German Marxist theorist, activist, and advocate for women's rights. In 1911, she organized the first International Women's Day.
Across the world, economic recovery, growth and investment are - at best - slow. At the same time, shares, derivatives and other financial instruments are traded in vast quantities with unprecedented rapidity. In accounting for this divergence between the apparent fortunes of the underlying 'real' economy and the world of finance, both mainstream and Marxist economists have offered varying answers.
Finance Capital Today enters this debate, providing a rich new analysis of the specific features of contemporary capitalism. Utilising Marx's theory of interest-bearing and fictitious capital and highlighting the increasing concentration and centralisation of capital within a truly global system, Chesnais argues against those who attribute the current sluggish state of the world economy exclusively to a 'crisis of financialisation' or 'financialised capitalism'. Instead, we are faced with a crisis of capitalism tout court, in which large amounts of capital are looking for profitable investment in a setting of underlying overproduction and low profits. The outcome will be low global growth, repeated financial shocks and the growing interconnection between the environmental and economic crises.
From the Marxist-tinged anarchism of the Haymarket martyrs to the Occupy Wall Street movement, these essays give a vibrant sense of the central role of the Left in social movements and struggles of the past and present, and highlights some of the amazing individuals, whose unstoppable energies generated remarkable transformations.
Left Americana considers both the limitations and successes of Christian socialists, Communists, Maoists, Trotskyists, and the "New Left" activists of the sixties and seventies in creating profound social and political change.
Paul Le Blanc is a professor of History at La Roche College and author of Choice Award-winning book A Freedom Budget for All Americans.
Capitalism is killing the planet, and the preservation of a natural environment favorable to human life requires a radical alternative. In this new collection of essays, long time revolutionary and environmental activist Michael L wy offers a vision of ecosocialist transformation. This vision combines an understanding of the destructive logic of the capitalist system with an appreciation for ongoing struggles, particularly in Latin America.
Philosophical materialism in all its forms - from scientific naturalism to Deleuzian New Materialism - has failed to meet the key theoretical and political challenges of the modern world. This is the burden of philosopher Slavoj iek's argument in this pathbreaking and eclectic new work. Recent history has seen developments such as quantum physics and Freudian psychoanalysis, not to speak of the failure of twentieth-century communism, shake our understanding of existence.In the process, the dominant tradition in Western philosophy lost its moorings. To bring materialism up to date, iek - himself a committed materialist and communist - proposes a radical revision of our intellectual heritage. He argues that dialectical materialism is the only true philosophical inheritor of what Hegel designated the "speculative" approach in thought. Absolute Recoil is a startling reformulation of the basis and possibilities of contemporary philosophy. While focusing on how to overcome the transcendental approach without regressing to na ve, pre-Kantian realism, iek offers a series of excursions into today's political, artistic, and ideological landscape, from Arnold Schoenberg's music to the films of Ernst Lubitsch.
For decades, the West has dismissed Maoism as an outdated historical and political phenomenon. Since the 1980s, China seems to have abandoned the utopian turmoil of Mao's revolution in favour of authoritarian capitalism. But Mao and his ideas remain central to the People's Republic and the legitimacy of its Communist government. With disagreements and conflicts between China and the West on the rise, the need to understand the political legacy of Mao is urgent and growing.
The power and appeal of Maoism have extended far beyond China. Maoism was a crucial motor of the Cold War: it shaped the course of the Vietnam War (and the international youth rebellions that conflict triggered) and brought to power the murderous Khmer Rouge in Cambodia; it aided, and sometimes handed victory to, anti-colonial resistance movements in Africa; it inspired terrorism in Germany and Italy, and wars and insurgencies in Peru, India and Nepal, some of which are still with us today - more than forty years after the death of Mao.
In this new history, Julia Lovell re-evaluates Maoism as both a Chinese and an international force, linking its evolution in China with its global legacy. It is a story that takes us from the tea plantations of north India to the sierras of the Andes, from Paris's fifth arrondissement to the fields of Tanzania, from the rice paddies of Cambodia to the terraces of Brixton.
Starting with the birth of Mao's revolution in northwest China in the 1930s and concluding with its violent afterlives in South Asia and resurgence in the People's Republic today, this is a landmark history of global Maoism.
"The German Left and the Weimar Republic" illuminates the history of the political left by presenting a wide range of documents on various aspects of socialist and communist activity in Germany. Separate chapters deal with the policy of Social Democracy in and out of government, the attempts of the Communist Party to overthrow the Weimar Republic, and then later to support it. Later chapters move away from the political scene to deal with the attitudes of the parties to key social issues, in particular questions of gender and sexuality.